Subscribe to this channel

You can subscribe to new audio episodes published on this channel. You can follow updates using the channel's RSS feed, or via other audio platforms you may already be using.

RSS Feed

You can use any RSS feed reader to follow updates, even your browser. We recommend using an application dedicated to listening podcasts for the best experience. iOS users can look at Overcast or Castro. Pocket Casts is also very popular and has both iOS and Android versions. Add the above link to the application to follow this podcast channel.

Signup to

Sign up for a free user account to start building your playlist of podcast channels. You'll be able to build a personalised RSS feed you can follow or listen with our web player.

Snowflake haters won’t like this book, but they might want to stop the name-calling and read it

While the differences across the world between people with conservative views and those with liberal leanings have never in living memory been more pronounced than in the past few years, there seems to be one thing people on opposite ends of the political spectrum have in common: a deep and unshakable disdain for snowflakes.
‘Snowflake” is a word used to refer to people you think are easily offended or upset. It is noted as derogatory in at least one dictionary, which means that when someone calls someone else a snowflake, they mean to insult them.
In her book We Need Snowflakes, the proudly snowflakey Washington Post video reporter Hannah Jewell explains that snowflakes are seen as simultaneously fragile – “weak, coddled and mentally frail” – and very dangerous – to freedom of speech, to tradition, to the old-fashioned culture of suck-it-up-no-matter-how-bad-it-is.
“They make up a mob, but a mob of wussies,” she says.
Think of students protesting about statues and fees, and certain people are bound to tut. Snowflakes are usually young and educated (or trying to be), generally feel themselves to be powerless, but are indignant about wrongs so old that they’ve acquired a veneer of respectability. A snowflake does not bow to the geriatric injustices and, while they can seldom undo ancient wrongdoing by talking about it, they refuse to keep quiet about it the way generations before them did. Snowflakes are breaking various codes of shut-up-and-put-up. For this, they are seen as non-resilient and whiny.
Jewell’s book has not received positive responses in traditional media but is very much liked in online consumer reviews.
This reflects what seems like an unshakable truth of current culture wars: those who want snowflakes to toughen up are fundamentally uninterested in what snowflakes have to say. But they are very interested in how snowflakes communicate inappropriately. Snowflake haters, rather than deal with the thorny topics that underlie snowflake protests about anything at all, prefer to mock and ridicule, or fulminate over, how young people speak. It’s not about what snowflakes say, so much as how they say it, that riles their critics. The same is true for the critics of Jewell’s book, who all take her to task for, in general terms, her lack of temperance in writing.
Jewell’s tone is biting and sarcastic and funny and even her title seems to warn snowflake haters away from her book. Where she stands on the matter is not a ...

Refiloe Molefe determined to bounce back after City of Joburg demolished inner city Farm

The June demolition of Bertrams Urban Farm, running for 16 years, disrupted dozens of feeding schemes.
Refiloe Molefe, known to many as Mama Fifi, is determined to rebuild her thriving inner city farm after her acclaimed Bertrams urban farming project was taken over by the City of Johannesburg and its fields bulldozed in June. Her donations to a network of feeding schemes were brought to a halt, as well as a youth training agri-programme, both of which have benefited thousands of people over the years.
Molefe, 63, began to build the Bertrams Inner City Farm in 2006 after she saw that many people in her community were going hungry. She approached the local council and asked if she could use a vacant two-acre plot of land in the Johannesburg suburb of Bertrams. The City of Johannesburg agreed.
“I was looking after the small children of mothers who had to go out working, but realised that these children were going to bed hungry,” she told GroundUp. Molefe decided to grow organic produce to feed these children. Soon the initiative took up all of her time. “I knew I could help more children and their families by focusing on growing food.”
With the help of the community and NGOs, Molefe installed taps and an irrigation system at the site, built greenhouse tunnels and a packing station.
Over the years, her urban farm became a success story for inner-city cultivation, winning several local awards and garnering accolades from organisations working towards food security. Her fresh produce soon became so bountiful that she was able to supply dozens of soup kitchens through a network of feeding schemes, and co-founded the Bambanani Food and Herb Cooperative Project.
Her farm’s success saw her approached by several universities to train students in urban agriculture, including the Tshwane University of Technology, the University of the Witwatersrand, and the University of Johannesburg. She said she has trained thousands of students over the years. “When you compete with the youth, you’ll always learn new things.”
But after 16 years, the City ordered the farm to close immediately to make way for the construction of a R275-million Multi-Purpose Centre.
The fields were bulldozed, and the irrigation pipes, equipment and greenhouse structures were removed and dumped at a nearby site.
“I was devastated, I couldn’t even get out of bed the next day,” said Molefe.
The City of Johannesburg’s Department of Health and Social Development owns the land. Molefe said that unidentified ...

Judge slams Standard Bank, lawyers for shoddy work against defaulting homeowner

The bank took a ‘cut and paste’ approach, said Judge Jacqui Henriques in handing down judgment.
Standard Bank and its lawyers have come under fire from a Durban high court judge for taking shortcuts in an application against a defaulting homeowner. The bank sought default judgment and an order allowing for the sale of the home.
But Judge Jacqui Henriques dismissed the application, saying it showed signs of a “copy and paste” job, and directed that a copy of her judgment, and the full set of application papers, be sent both to the Legal Practice Council and the Banking Services Ombudsman.
The application was brought by Standard Bank against a couple who registered a bond with the bank on a property in Newlands East.
In August last year, after they defaulted on their payments, the bank sent the requisite notice to them in terms of the National Credit Act, informing them that they had failed to make payment of the full monthly instalments, and demanding that they pay all arrears, failing which the bank would take legal action, which it then did, in September.
In the particulars of claim, the bank indicated the amount of arrears, and noted that the couple had first breached the agreement in March 2019, and the bank official detailed the attempts to contact them, including phoning them eight times, sending four SMS messages and six emails.
The application for default judgment was also served on them by placing it in their post box.
Read the full judgment here:
Judge Henriques said the bank official, in her sworn affidavit, had stated that as at 23 November 2021, the arrears stood at just more than R93,000, that the monthly instalments were just more than R8,000, and the last time they had paid was on 7 May 2020, and then only about R6,200.
The judge said when the matter came before her in February this year, she had raised certain issues — including the fact that the bank’s claims were not supported by the annexures attached, which showed that the couple had in fact paid R10,000 into the bond later in May. There had also been other previous payments of R10,000.
The judge said she had asked for an explanation and was told that the “discrepancy”, “a regrettable oversight”, was because the payments had been made into the bank’s general ledger account and not into the bond account.
However, the affidavits by the bank official did not provide any ...

This week – civil society activist exchange, Women’s Day and a talk on climate change as a gendered issue

The Home, Hope and Humour Mini-festival of Theatre will run at the Avalon Theatre in Cape Town between 8 and 13 August; Rivonia Circle, in partnership with civil society and community organisers, is hosting an ‘activist exchange’ in Braamfontein, Johannesburg; and the Democracy Development Program, in partnership with the Mail & Guardian, is hosting a webinar on women’s visibility in South Africa.
On Monday, 8 August, the Home, Hope and Humour Mini-festival of Theatre will kick off at Avalon Theatre in the District Six Homecoming Centre, Caledon Street, Cape Town. It will run until Saturday, 13 August.
The festival involves three plays and one short film, written by playwright Mike van Graan – Country Duty, He Had It Coming, The New Abnormal and Some Mothers’ Sons.
Book tickets here.
On Monday at 1pm, the African Climate Reality Project will host a webinar on “Gender and Climate Change”.
“This webinar will explore why climate change is a gendered issue, and stories of hope from South Africa to Cameroon,” according to the event description.
Register here.
Tuesday, 9 August is Women’s Day in South Africa. The observance pays tribute to the more than 20,000 women who marched to the Union Buildings on 9 August 1956 to protest against the extension of apartheid pass laws to women.
“Every year, in August, our country marks Women’s Month,” according to the government’s page on the event. “We will celebrate this year’s Women Month under the theme: ‘Women’s Socio-Economic Rights and Empowerment: Building Back Better for Women’s Improved Resilience’.”
Tuesday is also International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. According to the United Nations (UN), 2022’s observance is about reclaiming the role of indigenous women in the preservation and transmission of traditional knowledge.
“Indigenous women are the backbone of indigenous peoples’ communities and play a crucial role in the preservation and transmission of traditional ancestral knowledge. They have an integral collective and community role as carers of natural resources and keepers of scientific knowledge,” according to the UN.
Despite this, indigenous women often suffer from intersecting levels of discrimination on the basis of gender, class, socioeconomic status and ethnicity. Many indigenous women face high levels of poverty, limited access to health, credit and employment, and limited participation in political life.
“The reality. remains that indigenous women are widely underrepresented, disproportionately negatively affected by decisions made on their behalf, and are too frequently the victims of multiple expressions of discrimination and violence,” added the UN.
On Tuesday, 9 August, at ...

DA threatens court action if MEC alters NMB govt structure amid coalition takeover attempts

Whatever the new government will be in Nelson Mandela Bay, the metro faces severe problems, with no ward committees having been established, collection rates having fallen by 10% and a distressing reduction in services to the poor and the rate of service delivery in general falling.
The Democratic Alliance has indicated that it will go to court if the Eastern Cape MEC for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, Xolile Nqatha tries to change the structure of the Nelson Mandela Bay municipality.
The DA and a number of other parties in the metro’s council voted against the decision by Nqatha to do so on Friday — but the law will allow for him to go ahead in any event.
There are 12 political parties with seats in the current council of Nelson Mandela Bay. The ANC and the DA received roughly the same number of votes (around 40%) in the November 2021 local government elections (the EFF holds eight seats).
To form a majority government, a coalition must have 61 seats. The other parties in council are the FF+, ACDP, the Defenders of the People (DOP) and the Patriotic Alliance, with two seats each. The Good Party, UDM, AIC and AIM each have a single seat. The Northern Alliance (NA) is the largest of the small parties, with three seats.
The party and its new coalition partners, the Freedom Front Plus, the United Democratic Movement, the African Independent Congress, the Pan-Africanist Congress, the Abantu Integrity Movement and the African Christian Democratic Party, are getting ready to bring a motion of no confidence in executive mayor Eugene Johnson later this week.
New coalition agreement signed in Nelson Mandela Bay in bid to unseat ANC-led government
“Nqatha’s plan to scrap the mayoral executive system and introduce a collective executive committee with ward participation is nothing more than a desperate attempt by the ANC to cling to power in the Metro,” the DA’s mayoral candidate, Retief Odendaal said.
While KwaZulu-Natal’s municipalities, for instance, run in the way proposed by Nqatha, Odendaal said changing the structure of a municipality has never taken place in South Africa after a local government election.
“A co-governance committee will cause further chaos and can lead to restructuring and retrenchments,” he said. “It undermines democracy and the will of the people of Nelson Mandela Bay for the political expediency of the ANC. We will not be dictated to by a tyrant that seeks to destroy the democratic fibre of ...

Corporal punishment ban in SA schools, more than two decades later: More needs to be done

Corporal punishment has been unlawful in South African schools for more than two decades – section 10 of the Schools Act, 1996 states that no person may inflict corporal punishment against a learner at a school. It is a crime.
The constitutionality of the prohibition of corporal punishment was confirmed by the Constitutional Court in 2000. However, corporal punishment remains a common practice against children in South African schools.
The Basic Education Laws Amendment Bill (Bela) reaffirms the ban on corporal punishment by proposing to amend section 10 of the Schools Act to state that corporal punishment is “abolished” in all educational settings, including in hostels, and by introducing a comprehensive definition of corporal punishment. While public interest organisations have welcomed the renewed commitment to abolish corporal punishment indicated by the Bela, these changes to the Schools Act will not be effective without stronger enforcement of the ban on corporal punishment as well as better support and training for schools and educators on alternative forms of discipline from the Department of Basic Education.
The Bela seeks to introduce a definition of corporal punishment, which is undefined in the Schools Act. The Bela defines corporal punishment as:
“.any deliberate act against a child that inflicts pain or physical discomfort, however light, to punish or contain the child”.
Examples of corporal punishment are provided, including smacking children, pinching them, throwing objects at them, forcing them to stand in uncomfortable positions, and not allowing them to eat meals or use the toilet.
The ambiguity surrounding the definition of corporal punishment – for example, that corporal punishment includes light smacking or not allowing children to use the toilet – has probably contributed to the normalisation of some of these practices. However, organisations have commented that the definition should go further – the abolishment of corporal punishment should be extended to all forms of punishment that are cruel and degrading, including non-physical but still abusive forms of punishment. This would be in line with General Comment 8 of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child which states that non-physical punishment that “.belittles, humiliates, denigrates, scapegoats, threatens, scares or ridicules the child” is inconsistent with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Children have the right to be free from all forms of violence, to enjoy their education, and not to be treated or punished in a cruel, inhuman and degrading manner. This is set out in the Constitution ...

Killing off democracy by silencing civil society — the real implications of Zimbabwe’s PVO Bill

For Zanu-PF and the government to link combating terrorism with issues concerning political party support and tightening registration requirements for NGOs is to pervert the intention behind anti-money laundering and controlling illicit financial flows. It betrays the real intentions: To silence civil society ahead of elections, to curtail civil society’s ability to monitor elections, and to prevent reporting on violence, intimidation and electoral fraud.
In the furore over the Zimbabwe government’s determination to pass the Private Voluntary Organisations Amendment Bill into law and its attack on civil liberties, the motivation behind this attempt at rule by law seems to have been forgotten. The real issue is elections that are due in 2023 and a preemptive attempt to curtail the reporting by civil society of the intimidation and violence that accompanies polls in Zimbabwe — along with a demonstration of the overwhelming evidence that this is done by the government itself and members of the ruling Zanu-PF.
Every election since 2000 has been accompanied by violence and intimidation. Sometimes, as in 2000, 2002, and 2008, the violence is extreme, causing even the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) to criticise the process. Other elections have been marked by less overt violence, but by extensive complaints of intimidation and manipulation, what can be described as “anticipatory” rigging.
The 2023 elections will be the most complex and bitter since 2000, and it is clear they offer the last chance for Zanu-PF and the Zimbabwe government to cure the coup. A disputed election will seriously damage any prospect for international re-engagement, and it is here that civil society provides a major threat through its ability to document electoral irregularities, not only violence and intimidation.
Thus, the strategic motivation behind the PVO Bill is to muzzle civil society under the thin guise of dealing with the problem of money laundering and illicit financial flows to support terrorism. The PVO Bill purports to deal with the problem of civil society organisations funding terrorism or terrorist groups and claims to be an attempt to be compliant with recommendations of the Mutual Evaluation Reports (MER) of the East and Southern African Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG) under the Financial Action Task Force (FAFT) standards.
Here we unpack how the Zimbabwe government has manipulated the process of being compliant with the requirements of the FAFT in dealing with “anti-money laundering and combatting the financing of terrorism” in order the solve a ...

Ignoring the drivers and causes of violence is our undoing

Violence has become a code, one that we need to unpack and decipher by peeling off the layers of its root causes, key drivers, triggers and fuellers.
In just seven days, we have experienced different types of violence and we are still reeling from it. From the gang rape and violation of eight women in Krugersdorp, the hacking to death of two schoolgirls in Ngwangwane village in KwaZulu-Natal, to violent service delivery protests in Tembisa, the killing of citizens by the police and the mob murder by community members from Mogale City. This is deeply concerning.
What is even more worrying is the fact that this magnitude of violence is not new in South Africa, nor are these isolated incidents in 2022.
Patterns of these types of violence have formed over time.
Violent crimes targeting women and girls in Krugersdorp and Ngwangwane village are a stark reminder that women are not safe in a country dubbed the rape capital of the world, with a femicide rate that is five times the global average.
This violence against women on the eve of Women’s Month in South Africa dampens the commemoration and celebration of strides made towards gender equality and women’s rights protection in the country.
Violent protests in Tembisa remind us of many others that have taken place across the nation over the years, the most recent being the July 2021 protests that led to loss of life and revealed the fault lines of division along race, class and politics.
Shades of Marikana
The violent response by the police to the violent protests takes us back to the Marikana massacre in August 2012.
And the mob murder of a person in Mogale City brings back the images of the Zandspruit vigilante killings in May 2021, and the mob killing of a Zimbabwean man in Diepsloot in April 2022.
The recent deaths of two people due to police action in Tembisa are indicative of the failure of the SA Police Service (SAPS) to ensure public order policing within acceptable international legal and human rights standards, as well as South African laws. The heavy-handedness of the police, particularly the use of live ammunition to control protesters in Tembisa, is a brutal reminder that not enough has been done to reform the SAPS after Marikana.
The use of live ammunition during protests in a constitutional democratic society like ours is in direct contravention of the right of citizens to protest enshrined in the Bill of ...

Water is life — how can we build collective power to turn our municipalities around?

We have to change our perspective and try a new approach: how can we — as community members, civil society organisations and the private sector — support our municipality to make it work for us?
Year after year, the Auditor-General of South Africa (AGSA) releases damning reports on the financial status of the country’s municipalities. While these reports serve a crucial purpose of accountability and transparency in a constitutional democracy, the consequences of failing municipalities on real people’s lives are often lost in the numbers.
The Constitution is clear in its articulation of the objectives of municipalities. In Chapter Seven, it states municipalities:
must provide democratic and accountable government for local communities;
ensure the sustainable provision of services to communities; promote social and economic development;
promote a safe and healthy environment; and
encourage the involvement of communities and community organisations in local government.
Through its audit activities, the AGSA assesses whether spheres of government are using their budgets to meet their objectives, are compliant with the legislation and provide sufficient evidence of their spending through financial statements.
The most recent municipal AGSA (2020/2021) report demonstrates a continuing decline in the state of municipalities.
Of 257 municipalities, only 41 received a clean audit.
In Eastern Cape, where Equality Collective is based, the findings are even worse. Of the six district and 31 local municipalities in the province, only one district municipality and three local municipalities got clean audits.
The report attributes this to poor financial management and an over-reliance on consultants, which amounted to an expenditure of R157-million in 2020/21 and R663-million over the past five years.
Other factors were the failure to report on water service delivery, an expenditure of only 1% of total expenditure on repairs and maintenance of water infrastructure (far less than the standard 8%) and a lack of cooperation from local and district municipalities on capacity-building, financial management practices and monitoring and reporting standards between the provincial government and local municipalities.
The implication is that municipalities do not meet their constitutional obligation, effectively resulting in poor to no service delivery for some of the most marginalised and vulnerable communities in our country.
The right to water
It would take a long time, and perhaps be too painful, to unpack how the failures of municipalities have infringed upon many of the rights of South African citizens, but let’s take the right to water as an example.
The right to water is recognised both internationally and nationally as a fundamental human right for people ...

Kenyan elections — empower the youth instead of inciting violence

Political leaders ought to share the decision-making table with the youth, acknowledging them as agents of change through policy making, as opposed to a means to personal power-driven gain.
Kenya’s highly anticipated presidential election takes place on 9 August 2022. In the lead-up to the elections, the nation’s headlines have been dominated by campaign sagas and political tensions, with the latter bringing to recollection harsh memories from the country’s 2007-2008 post-election period.
The aforementioned period was marked by mass displacement, widespread sexual violence and numerous casualties, with more than 1,200 people killed – it serves as a painful collective memory for the nation.
One cannot help but remember the subtle signs that preceded the civil unrest, including the hate speech and calls for violence incited by political leaders. The youth fell especially victim to this incitement, with reports indicating that 70 % of those who engaged in election-related violence during this period were from this group. At the time, factors such as high unemployment and insufficient civic spaces contributed to the youth’s vulnerability to political violence.
Four presidential candidates have been cleared by the electoral commission for the 2022 Kenyan Elections, namely, David Mwaure Waihiga of Agano Party; Raila Odinga of Azimio la Umoja; William Ruto of Kenya Kwanza and George Wajackoyah of Roots Party.
The issues that defined the affairs 15 years ago have not been laid to rest: Unemployment rates in the country are at the highest they’ve been since 1995 at 5.7%, while the cost of living continues to grow, with inflation reaching upwards of 7%.
Meanwhile, political tensions continue to mount between presidential hopefuls William Ruto and Raila Odinga, with ethnic divisions and the outgoing president’s decision to endorse Odinga as the next president of the Republic, acting as key points of tension. Already there are episodes of incitement of the youth to intimidate and heckle political opponents along the campaign trail, in what remains highly reminiscent of the events leading up to the election-related violence in 2007.
That being said, the strong calls for caution issued to young people amid the current political tension demonstrate commendable progress on this subject.
The Archbishop of the Kisumu Archdiocese in Kisumu County, for instance, has urged the youth to opt for peace and refuse incitement, while civil society has amped up advocacy against youth engagement in political violence. Similarly, social media platforms such as TikTok have made attempts to urge the youth to choose peace via ...

‘It took me three seconds to decide’ — Dr Fareed Abdullah reflects on three decades at the coalface of public health

Biénne Huisman chatted to Abdullah about providing antiretrovirals in the time of Aids denialism, National Health Insurance, working as a medical doctor, and the toll HIV has sadly taken on his own family.
Over the past three decades, Dr Fareed Abdullah has been at the coalface of South Africa’s response to HIV, tuberculosis (TB), and more recently, Covid-19. In this time, he proved himself a health sector pillar — unafraid to shun political party lines when they clashed with his clinician’s integrity. Recently he spoke out against the proposed NHI [National Health Insurance] legislation, while back in 1999 he helped pioneer the roll-out of Aids treatment in the Western Cape, in defiance of then president Thabo Mbeki.
“I was the head of the Aids programme [in the Western Cape’s health department],” he recalls, “and we started providing AZT (an antiretroviral) to pregnant women in Khayelitsha. And I kid you not, we placed the order for AZT. A week later, Mbeki and then health minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma said they would not provide AZT as it’s toxic.
“So here I was — someone who’s a part of the liberation movement — an ANC person in the administration. And I was faced with a simple, but difficult dilemma — follow the party line or do the right thing as a doctor. It took me three seconds to decide what to do. I had the authority at that time — public servants had authority — the authority to do things, to order a new drug, to start a new programme. So we continued with the treatment programme and national couldn’t stop it because we really understood the powers that provinces have. Constitutionally, a province can set their own policy and we jealously guarded the right of the province.”
Spotlight interviewed Abdullah in a boardroom at the South African Medical Research Council [SAMRC’s] headquarters in Parow, Cape Town. Abdullah has been the director of SAMRC’s Aids and TB research office for the past five years.
Evicted from Pageview
Originally raised in Pageview in Johannesburg, Abdullah’s parents were forcibly evicted when he was seven years old. At the time, black residents were forced to Soweto and Indian residents to Lenasia. The Abdullah family moved to Overport in Durban. Here, Abdullah graduated from the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s medical school in 1987, after which he obtained an Honours in public health at the University of Cape Town in 1994.
Speaking of his family, Abdullah ...

Ipid probes Ekurhuleni police conduct following deaths of four people during protests

Mayor promises Tembisa residents free basic electricity, debt relief to qualifying households and bins.
The Independent Police Investigative Directorate (Ipid) is investigating Ekurhuleni’s metro police after four Tembisa residents died during violent protests earlier this week.
Mayor Tania Campbell went to speak to the community on Friday and promised to improve services for residents.
From Monday to Wednesday, thousands of residents brought the East Rand township to a standstill over high electricity bills, rolling blackouts and crime. Streets were barricaded with burning tyres, branches and rubbish. An electricity substation and the Community Civic Centre were damaged.
At the time, Campbell said the destruction of infrastructure was “politically motivated” and aimed at making the township “ungovernable” for the DA-led coalition government.
Just days after a mass memorial was held for the four people killed, allegedly by police during the protest, Ipid spokesperson Lizzy Suping told GroundUp: “The investigators have reconstructed the scene and some witnesses have been interviewed.”
Suping did not provide any other details. She said a formal report will be released once the investigation is concluded.
Ekurhuleni Metro Police Department spokesperson Kelebogile Thepa said the City is also doing its own internal investigation into the killings. “We will rely on the facts we get as we probe. We are still searching. We are not running this in isolation. We are allowing the investigation to go on uninterrupted and we are also assisting Ipid with what they need,” said Thepa.
Addressing community members at the Mehlareng Stadium in Teanong on Friday morning, Campbell apologised for not being able to meet residents last week as they had demanded.
At the core of the protests were complaints over high electricity bills, rolling blackouts and municipal rates.
“We will ensure that all the billing issues are resolved immediately in Tembisa. We will be introducing a relief scheme for residents in debt. Incidents of corruption and bribery in our customer service offices will also be investigated,” Campbell told residents.
City staff will be deployed to households and residents who qualify for the indigent subsidy, she said.
Campbell said 27,000 wheelie bins are to be distributed from Monday to help curb “rampant illegal dumping”.
“We are handling the issue of electricity tariffs from today already, and will continue on Monday. We understand your challenges and are looking for permanent long-term solutions,” she said. Campbell added that 50KWH of free basic electricity would continue being rolled out to residents.
She said historical municipal debt would also be written off for ...

200 episodes

« Back 1—12 More »