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Fifth time lucky? Raila Odinga targets triumph in Kenya presidential elections

Kenyans go to the polls on Tuesday, where veteran opposition politician and serial loser Raila Odinga, 77, faces off against vice president William Ruto, 55.
Kenya, with a gloomy and sordid history of fierce electoral disputes and violence, is scheduled to hold general elections on Tuesday 9 August 2022. In these elections, citizens will elect the president, members of the National Assembly and Senate, county governors as well as members of the 47 county assemblies.
Electoral trajectories of modern Kenyan politics
The build-up to these elections is engulfed by the fall-out of former allies and strongmen in modern Kenyan politics: the incumbent president, Uhuru Kenyatta and his current deputy president, William Ruto. The root cause for their loggerheads is unquestionably submerged by incongruencies of accusations levelled against each other.
More intensely, even though Ruto was Kenyatta’s running mate in the last presidential elections that took place in 2017, Kenyatta is hell-bent on impeding the deputy president from being his successor. A major variable of this twist emanates from Kenyatta’s endorsement of the perennial candidate in the presidential elections who is also a former Kenyan prime minister, Raila Odinga. The latter is a presidential candidate for the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) under the auspices of the Azimio La Umoja coalition.
Interestingly, during the 2017 presidential elections, Kenyatta joined forces and formed a functional alliance with Ruto. After the electoral management body, Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), declared the duo as election winners, Odinga lodged an electoral dispute based on rife allegations of vote rigging. Principally, adducing concrete evidence that proved that IEBC’s server was hacked and its database had been tampered with.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
Eventually, the Supreme Court of Kenya, led by the present-day retired Chief Justice and President, Justice David Maraga, annulled the results of the presidential elections and ordered fresh elections. To ensure free and credible election re-run, Odinga further requested for the overhaul of electoral systems, and his plea was not granted. While protesting the failure to heed his call for reforming electoral systems and the IEBC, and although not official as dictated by Kenyan electoral laws, Odinga withdrew from the runoff election, thus paving the way to the duo’s electoral victory again.
Odinga’s perennial candidacy in presidential elections
Raila Odinga, the son of Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first vice-president (from 12 December 1964 to 14 April 1966) and subsequently opposition leader, has unsuccessfully contested the presidential election ...

Gauteng DA launches yet another ‘desperate’ bid to oust Makhura, but this time ‘we’ve got the numbers’

For the second time in consecutive years, the DA in Gauteng is to sponsor the provincial legislature with yet another motion of no confidence against the premier, David Makhura, following the many unfulfilled promises and scandals on his watch. Will the opposition succeed?
‘The motion of no confidence is based on the change that the people of Gauteng are yearning for. And if that makes us desperate, yes we are desperate – just not for the reasons they have put upfront but for a better life and better services for Gauteng residents.”
These were the words of the DA’s Solly Msimanga, leader of the opposition in the Gauteng legislature and former Tshwane mayor, at a Monday media briefing on the motion to be tabled in the provincial legislature against premier David Makhura.
Makhura’s office says the latest move by the DA is an act of sheer “desperation for relevance”.
Msimanga said the tabling of the motion has been on the cards since early 2022 but was on hold, but they have had to take action now because Gauteng is decaying daily under Makhura’s watch.
“The public purse under his watch has been looted unabated and having premier Makhura in office for any longer will only make this situation worse.”
According to Msimanga, Makhura must go because he has failed to live up to his many promises and responsibilities, including lifestyle audits for Gauteng’s executive and making public the Special Investigating Unit’s (SIU) reports into various allegations of corruption. Then there was his office’s implication in irregular Covid-19 procurement tenders at the Gauteng health department and failure to take steps to recover some of the money lost to the personal protective equipment (PPE) tender scandal.
“One scandal is one too many under his watch. Makhura is not fit to lead the country’s economic hub, Gauteng. And a motion of no confidence can usher in a new leader into government that will put the people first and spend their hard-earned taxes openly and transparently. To arrest poverty, crime and unemployment.”
The move against Makhura is nothing new – there are already three motions of no confidence from 2017, 2018 and 2021.
The 2017 and 2018 motions were lodged by the EFF supported by the DA, following the Life Esidimeni tragedy. In 2021, the DA lodged another against Makhura’s office owing to its implication in irregular PPE tenders.
A numbers game in the legislature
However, all three were overturned, with help from the IFP ...

Jury still out on DA claim that South Africa loses R800-million to corruption daily

The figure can’t be verified, and appears based on an older rumour — itself unsubstantiated — that R300-billion is lost every year.
“Over R800-million per day is lost to corruption, nationally,” claims a June 2022 tweet posted by South Africa’s Democratic Alliance (DA) opposition party.
The claim was made as part of the party’s campaign to fight “cadre deployment” by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government. Cadre deployment is a policy of appointing party members to government positions based on their loyalty to the party’s aims and objectives.
The DA’s #OutlawCadreDeployment campaign includes a proposed law to ensure public service appointments are based on merit instead of party loyalty, and court action to declare cadre deployment unconstitutional.
The party has connected the policy to “State Capture”, a form of corruption in which politicians and businesses work together to make economic and political decisions that advance their interests.
In late 2021, a commission of inquiry into alleged State Capture by former president Jacob Zuma and businesspeople Ajay, Atul and Rajesh Gupta, known as the Gupta brothers, wrapped up.
State Capture cost South Africa billions of rands in tax funds. But is R800-million lost to corruption each day? We checked.
Source for DA’s figure unknown
Africa Check asked the DA for the source of the figure and how it was calculated. At the time of publication, the party had not responded. (Note: We will update this report if they do respond.)
We were also unable to find the source of the claim online. Our searches brought up several articles about corruption in South Africa, all giving different figures.
Jannie Roussouw is a professor of business administration at the Wits Business School. He told Africa Check that he had heard that R300-billion was lost to corruption each year, but could not verify it.
“I don’t know where the figure of R300-billion comes from in the first instance but it seems to me that they worked from an annual figure to a daily figure,” he said.
R800-million a day comes to R292-billion a year — almost R300 billion.
We were also unable to find a source for the supposed R300-billion lost yearly. We contacted Corruption Watch, an anti-corruption nonprofit based in Johannesburg, for clues. They were also unable to verify the DA’s figure or provide us with a more accurate estimate.
“This is a question that has been posed to us for the entire 10 years of our existence, and is a question that no one organisation ...

Parliament needs to evolve after its failures during the years of crippling State Capture in SA

The findings of the Zondo Commission into State Capture are damning against parliament, with an urgent need for a shakeup to regain accountability and credibility. The Parliamentary Monitoring Group conducted a review of the commission confirming the failures of an institution that should keep power in check in the interests of the people.
The Zondo Commission found that Parliament “failed to use the oversight and accountability measures at its disposal” and that urgent reforms are needed.
While the Commission’s findings and recommendations on parliamentary oversight are welcome and significant, for the most part, they do not contain anything new and confirm countless reports prepared by internal parliamentary structures, external specialists, and observers over the years.
The overall evidence throughout all the Commission’s reports paints a negative picture of the national legislature and illustrates what happens when there is poor oversight. Parliament was absent and ineffective. This dereliction led to State Capture, allowed the executive to act without constraint, and also failed citizens.
When done correctly, oversight empowers Parliament to operate as an effective check and balance against executive power, promotes transparency, improves policy, ensures budgets are used appropriately, and promotes public confidence in the legislature.
On the face of it, Parliament seems to be a well-oiled machine: meetings and sittings are held, legislation is processed, the budget is approved, debates and oversight visits are conducted. Generally, Parliament can be a busy place during session.
While Parliament has formal powers, systems, and processes to hold the executive to account, putting these into practice is rarely straightforward.
There are numerous factors that can impede effective oversight. They range from government resistance to oversight, lack of consequences, lack of follow-through, ineffective leadership, inadequate time, MP skill deficit, dated practices and of course, systemic challenges such as party politics (and our electoral system).
Read Marianne Merten’s report on the Zondo inquiry’s findings on Parliament’s failures here:
Parliament between the cracks of political will and constitutional duties – must do better
Read Marianne Merten’s analysis of the findings here:
Litmus test for Parliament — quality oversight, or an accommodation to avoid ANC embarrassment
Bigger structural issues concerning institutional political climate are more important than the tools and mechanisms of oversight. Tinkering with the rules of Parliament and the system of accountability from a technical sense, even improving the budget to resource Parliament better, will be a waste if the big structural issues are not tackled. Institutional weaknesses are not insurmountable and faced by legislatures worldwide. Political will ...

Durban decay – how crime and corruption are turning a world-class city into a crumbling nightmare

Newly introduced water rations are the tip of the iceberg for hard-pressed residents of eThekwini. Crime and grime are fast destroying Durban’s once-vibrant and prosperous inner city tourism hub. In this first part of a series on eThekwini we delve into the rot, and speak to the brave souls still trying to eke out a living in the city.
On Monday, 20 May 2022 the eThekwini Municipality started rationing water for the first time. For the next 12 to 14 months, residents, health and educational facilities, businesses and manufacturers in the city will only have access to water during some parts of the day, in rotation.
The City blames the extreme measures on the recent floods which, it says, laid waste to water infrastructure. But for many Durbanites, the water cuts are further proof that the City is becoming a failed city – something they have seen coming for years.
Two senior city officials, who spoke to Daily Maverick on condition of anonymity, claimed that rampant and brazen corruption, mismanagement, nepotism, cadre deployment and a failure to separate ANC party politics and the city administration have combined to bring the city to its knees.
These officials said while some councillors and municipal officials make headlines by translating the City’s R54-billion budget into money bags for prominent politicians and other elites, very few municipal workers do the work for which they are paid.
Nowhere is this decay more prominent, or in your face, than in the Durban city centre.
The crime statistics from the Durban Central police station speak volumes: it took first place among the top 30 police stations across the country for the 17 most community crimes, which grew by 8,2% from 1,816 in July to September 2020/21, to 1,965 from July to September 2021/22.
It also tops the list in the serious crime statistics category – from 503 in July-September 2020/21 to 583 in July-September 2021/22.
It was second among the 30 police stations for common robbery (from 142 incidents to 153), and seventh for robbery with aggravating circumstances (184 to 232, a 26,1% rise).
For robberies at non-residential properties it claimed fourth spot (from 25 incidents to 41), and was 25th for kidnappings (seven to 14 cases). It took second place for burglaries in non-residential areas, where cases rose from 102 to 355, and fifth place in the commercial crimes category, recording an increase from 190 to 261 cases.
Regarding sexual crimes detected as a result of ...

‘Miracles’ needed to stop a deficient SA from being greylisted by global anti-terror financing watchdog

South Africa’s anti-money laundering and terrorism financing legislation, and especially law enforcement’s implementation efficiency, is to international standards what bumper stickers are to philosophy — a solid attempt, but found completely wanting, holey and in dire need of a facelift. Parliament has now pulled up National Treasury’s handbrake, insisting on due process when Treasury officials pushed SA’s two financing committees to quickly adopt far-ranging changes to schedules of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act of 2001.
South Africa’s anti-money laundering and terrorism-financing legislation, and especially law enforcement’s implementation efficiency, is to international standards what bumper stickers are to philosophy — a solid attempt, but found completely wanting, full of holes and in dire need of a facelift.
Parliament has now pulled up the National Treasury’s handbrake, insisting on due process when Treasury officials pushed South Africa’s two financing committees to quickly adopt far-ranging changes to schedules of the Financial Intelligence Centre Act of 2001 (Fica).
The issue is best described in the Treasury’s own words and emphasis:
“We are almost certainly headed to be GREYLISTED by the [Financial Action Task Force] next FEB 2023 UNLESS WE PERFORM A FEW MIRACLES.
“The implications: A GREYLISTING IS COMPARABLE TO A RATINGS DOWNGRADE, especially if SA is deemed not to be trying to address its deficiencies.”
Known worldwide for its measured and diplomatic approach, the National Treasury is not in the habit of screaming in underlined capitals. When it does, as in this latest presentation to journalists by Acting Director-General Ismail Momoniat, it seems prudent to take it seriously.
The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) is an intergovernmental policymaking body combating all forms of money laundering and terrorism financing. It ensures a coordinated global response to prevent organised crime, corruption and terrorism.
To be greylisted by the FATF means a country’s shortcomings are a threat to the international financial system and a serious blow to a country’s reputation. Such a country is then subjected to increased monitoring and has to deal with adverse economic consequences for trade and transactions with other countries.
Regulators in the US, UK and EU may also restrict their banks from transacting with greylisted countries’ banks. The FATF’s greylisted countries include Cambodia, Cayman Islands, Burkina Faso, Albania, Yemen, Pakistan and Syria.
Blacklisted countries — at this stage only North Korea and Iran — are officially seen as high-risk jurisdictions. The list is a warning of the significant danger of money laundering and terrorism financing that a particular nation holds in ...

Tegeta acquired Optimum Coal Mine ‘through succession of criminal acts’, NPA argues in forfeiture application

The NPA lodged an application on Friday seeking a preservation order for the attachment of all of Tegeta's shares in Optimum Coal Mine (OCM) and Optimum Coal Terminal (OCT).
After the Pretoria High Court decision on 23 March to grant a preservation order for the attachment of all of Tegeta’s shares in Optimum Coal Mine (OCM) and Optimum Coal Terminal (OCT) and the recommendations laid out in the State Capture commission’s reports, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) lodged a forfeiture application with the court on Friday, 1 July, with a value of roughly R3.4-billion.
Advocate Ouma Rabaji-Rasethaba, the NPA’s deputy national director of public prosecutions and head of the Asset Forfeiture Unit, deposed to the founding affidavit.
Rabaji-Rasethaba said evidence submitted to the State Capture commission presented an “overwhelming case for the conclusion that the Guptas and Mr Salim Essa, who were the controlling minds of Tegeta” had conspired with government officials and Eskom representatives “to perpetrate acts of fraud and other crimes in order to buy the Optimum Coal Mine”.
The acquisition of the mine “was, therefore, itself, a crime”.
Senior counsel Matthew Chaskalson, appearing before the Gauteng High Court in early March, laid out how Optimum was used as an “industrial-strength money-laundering machine”.
The application, Chaskalson said, is “a story of how the Gupta family and their associates and Regiments looted Transnet and Eskom and stole from Transnet pensioners. to purchase the Optimum Coal Mine.
“It’s also a story of how the Gupta family and Salim Essa and their then business partner, Daniel McGowan, first laundered offshore Gupta proceeds of crime to wash another R860-million into the purchase price for Optimum Coal and then used the Optimum Coal Mine as an industrial-strength money laundering machine,” Chaskalson said.
Read in Daily Maverick: ‘Industrial-strength money laundering’ at Optimum Coal Mine the epicentre of State Capture
The proceeds of crime were passed through the Gupta’s joint venture, Centaur Ventures, and reintroduced to South Africa as prepayments for coal from Optimum Coal Mine by Centaur. Once the money was transferred to Optimum, it was immediately laundered out, through Tegeta and Oakbay and to the furthest reaches of the Gupta family criminal enterprise in South Africa, he said.
Daily Maverick recently detailed the individuals and entities that the commission recommended the NPA investigate for potential prosecution for State Capture crimes. According to the recommendations, the NPA should consider prosecuting the following individuals for activities relating to the Gupta-owned Optimum Coal Mine:
Duduzane Zuma, Jacob ...

Time for referendum on electoral reform to save our distressed and exhausted country – Mcebisi Jonas

Former deputy Finance Minister Mcebisi Jonas has called for a national referendum on the electoral system ‘to define the way forward’ for South Africa and ‘turn the political system on its head and liberate the country from the clutches of party barons’. Speaking at the Defend our Democracy conference today Jonas said South Africa needed a gameplan that presents a distressed and exhausted country with hope and options for a re-imagined future.
Jonas was speaking at the Defend Our Democracy’s Conference For Democractic Renewal and Change in Johannesburg today, 1 July 2022. The two-day conference “stems from the political crisis that has beset our country, including destabilisation, corruption, capture, the sabotage of SOEs, and a toxic political culture that is self-serving, and detached from interests of the electorate”. The invitation added: “We hope that through this conference, we can collectively begin to envision a new politics for the country, where the conduct, ethics, integrity and values of public representatives are beyond reproach, and which enables the expression of a people’s power that can demand accountability, transparency and a fulfilment of the promises made in the Constitution.”
We publish Jonas’ speech in full:
Programme Director, esteemed leadership present, ladies and gentlemen, comrades and activists,
I would like to thank Defend Our Democracy for inviting me to speak today. This gathering is not just necessary but also urgent.
We indeed live in troubled times with rising costs accelerating the decline in living standards and growing indebtedness worldwide, and increased polarisation both within and between countries spurred by a new era of information chaos. These conditions cause social and political strains that are being used by dark forces to weaken democracy and strengthen the hand of anti-democratic forces.
The alarm bells are sounding, and we need to up the tempo in defence of democracy globally and back home in South Africa.
I have been asked to speak about democratic renewal and the need for political reform. To do this, we need to first understand why we need renewal in the first place. Critical to this question is the concept of democratic backsliding.
Democratic backsliding is when the democratic characteristics of a political system weaken. Scholars like Levitsky and Ziblatt argue that such traditionally happened through major single events like military coups. Today, this happens through barely visible state-led weakening of democratic institutions and practices. So it is actually those who win democratic power and control the state itself that weaken its ...

A bitter pill it is, but there are sound reasons for giving amnesty to alleged State Capture wrongdoers

Now, after the Zondo Commission has completed its work with the publication of its final report, the question is: Where to from here? As one answer, we consider that it is high time to readdress the amnesty controversy.
In March 2020, we proposed that South Africa consider adopting a conditional amnesty process for those who committed acts of corruption during the era of State Capture. Our full article, previously published in Daily Maverick, together with a shorter version, can be accessed here.
A corruption amnesty would help South Africa escape the bonds of State Capture
The publication of the article coincided with a Daily Maverick panel discussion at which the head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) professed shock that, at a stage where arrests and effective prosecutions were imminent, we were proposing a way out for those implicated in grand-scale corruption. After the panel discussion there were some fairly harsh, but in our view misconceived, criticisms of the proposal. There was also welcome support for the notion of amnesty from some commentators, most recently, the former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela and Ian Donovan.
The debate on an amnesty proposal then went largely silent, no doubt because of the diversion of attention and resources to the Covid-19 pandemic and the movement restrictions brought by the lockdowns we endured. Significantly, the pandemic exposed the indiscriminate grand-scale corruption embedded in our society in relation, this time around, to the public procurement of, among other things, personal protective equipment (PPE). This contributed to the long-awaited need to take decisive action against fraud and corruption and it added further billions of rands lost to corruption due to corruption and State Capture.
Now, after the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into State Capture (the Zondo Commission) has completed its four-year work with the publication of its final report, the question is: Where to from here? As one answer, we consider that it is high time to readdress the amnesty controversy.
The corruption problem, and why amnesty?
In our previous article, we highlighted that corruption had become a widespread, endemic phenomenon in South Africa, with a profoundly corrosive effect on our country’s political and economic landscape. We estimated that the economic impact of corruption perpetrated by the upper echelons of government all the way through to everyday government officials had cost the country hundreds of billions of rands.
Our views as to the pervasive extent of corruption were confirmed by the Zondo Commission’s findings on ...

The Full Zondo has landed – now comes the really hard part

As our country’s political elites start to scour through the recommendations of the Zondo Commission’s final report, and try to work out how it will affect them, it is an important moment to ask if its recommendations will be accepted and implemented at all.
It is almost certain that in the short term there will be much contestation, legal and otherwise, around the findings. (It is important to remember here that the legal challenges to Zondo’s findings will not stop the incoming NPA investigations – they are separate processes – Ed) But in the longer term, the much more important question may be what is implemented and what is not. In short, the question becomes: Will this report really lead to a real change in our country, and in our politics?
Considering what appears to be a growing fracturing of our politics (some would call it breaking apart), it is likely that the really important parts of the report will not be implemented, that those in power, or who will ascend to power, will seek not to go to jail for what they’ve done to people and state of South Africa.
However, it is also possible that another course is followed, that public pressure, and the threat of upcoming elections force politicians to act even if that is against their own interests.
There can be no doubt of the importance of the Zondo Commission Report. It is likely to have more of an impact on our politics than any court judgments in our modern history.
In its essence, the report is really an investigation into the criminal mistakes made in our democracy in the past 30 years, an unparalleled feat of analysis. Its breadth ranges from the failure of Parliament to be a check on government, to the impact of cadre deployment, to how our SOEs are set up, to how mayors made money through their positions. It is also unprecedently deep, taking detailed public testimony on how payments were made and to whom and why, among so many other angles.
As a result, this mammoth document is likely to also be looked to as a blueprint for our future, a bible for a new South African state. And as it was the case when the Christian Bible was put together in the 5th century Alexandria, one of the most contentious issues will be which of Zondo’s recommendations will be followed and which will not.
There are ...

Give me hope, Mzansi – we need a new vision to empower a bold reset of our country

‘Despair can come from deep grief, but it can also be a defence against the risks of bitter disappointment and shattering heartbreak. Resignation and cynicism are easier, more self-soothing postures that do not require the raw vulnerability and tragic risk of hope. To choose hope is to step firmly forward into the howling wind, baring one’s chest to the elements, knowing that, in time, the storm will pass.’ Archbishop Desmond Tutu
South Africa feels like a dark place at the moment, a country waiting to explode.
Hunger is on the rise. Public violence is on the rise. Unemployment is on the rise. Petrol is on the rise.
In many areas of human rights delivery and constitutional responsibility the government and the state are failing. Badly.
The most recent example is the delayed payment of promised R350 Social Relief of Distress grants to up to 10 million of South Africa’s poorest people. This is causing immense pain, as recorded by two of our community correspondents, Tshabalira Lebkeng in Diepkloof, Soweto and Israel Nkuna in Mahlathi Village in Limpopo.
Some days it seems a matter of if, not when, we will have a recurrence of the deadly destructive riots of July 2021.
But instead of addressing these issues, we see government leaders who are members of the ANC at war (literally) with each other rather than with poverty; we see them positioning themselves at their conferences to hold onto a state power that they have proved incapable of wielding for the public good. Unfortunately, this is going to be a news story for the rest of the year.
Whatever the source and full truth behind the so-called Farmgate scandal, it has broken what little trust there was left. Shorn of gravitas, Cyril Ramaphosa appears as a grubby President, who stashes huge amounts of cash in his couch, while beyond the fences of his luxury farm “his” people starve. Literally.
Read more: “Pass the Baton – it’s time for young people to really take over”
As people like Songezo Zibi are pointing out in his recent book, Manifesto: “South Africa is broken. It needs a fundamental reset.” Like millions of others, Zibi has crossed a Rubicon when he says: “I have no expectations that this reset is going to be driven by the ANC. This reset demands the dismantling of much of the post-1994 elite consensus, in which reform means tweaks to a system that is otherwise dysfunctional.”
As a salutary warning to ...

It’s now or never for the National Prosecuting Authority

Many anxieties in our politics are likely to reach a climax over the next few months, especially those about corruption by politicians. Public pressure for prosecutions of these politicians will reach a powerful crescendo unmatched in SA’s democratic history. At the centre of this, the National Prosecuting Authority is likely to come under more intense pressure than ever.
While many people fear what could happen in the upcoming era of coalitions in provinces and the national government, it may in fact be only the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and a properly functioning criminal justice system that will stand in the way of patronage and corruption hell-bent on taking over the state completely.
While the scandal around President Cyril Ramaphosa and the US dollars stolen from his farm is likely to test many aspects of our politics, it is almost certainly going to test our criminal justice system to a point close to breaking. The key moment in this scandal may well come when a prosecutor at the NPA has to make a decision about whether to charge Ramaphosa.
This will be a crucial test for the NPA as an institution at a time when the stakes could not be higher.
If it decides not to prosecute, this will lead to claims that the NPA is biased in favour of Ramaphosa and that it is not able to prosecute “without fear or favour”. The National Director of Public Prosecutions, Shamila Batohi, would be accused of not acting against the person who formally appointed her.
If the NPA does decide to prosecute, Ramaphosa may well have to step aside from his position as President of the country and leader of the ANC, with consequences that are impossible to predict.
But this is only the first of the most pressing of the tasks ahead for the NPA.
Guptas and the Zondo Commission
Atul and Rajesh Gupta are detained in Dubai at the request of SA prosecutors. Most legal experts agree that their extradition to South Africa will be a long and onerous process, with extradition hearings being notoriously complicated. And yet, if the NPA is seen to fail in this, then it will shed more legitimacy in the eyes of the public.
Then there are the other prosecutions that may follow from the release of the final volume of the Zondo Commission report.
Some of these may lead to excruciating timing.
It is likely, for example, that the commission’s final report will recommend that ...

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