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Ramaphosa gets free pass on Phala Phala forex farm theft as Parliament ‘enters the twilight zone’

Having said he was ready to account — just not quite yet in Parliament — for the Phala Phala farm forex theft, President Cyril Ramaphosa thought he was done. However, the opposition insisted on a proper answer and the Speaker ultimately called time on an unfinished Q&A session.
When National Assembly Speaker Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula cited the precedent of a previous incomplete question and answer session, it was with reference to the August 2014 “Pay back the money” Q&A with then president Jacob Zuma.
That’s a similarity unlikely to sit easily with President Cyril Ramaphosa, who has styled his administration as one eradicating corruption and State Capture and upholding the rule of law and constitutional values.
But the February 2020 theft of US dollars stuffed into sofa cushions on his private Limpopo farm to which South Africa was alerted when ex-spy boss and Zuma ally Arthur Fraser reported it to the police in June, has cast a long shadow.
Ramaphosa has confirmed the theft, but has remained schtum on details, citing due process.
That was the case after a bruising Presidency Budget vote debate in June and again some two weeks later during a Q&A slot. And again on Tuesday, when the Phala Phala saga made the Order Paper as a question from African Transformation Movement (ATM) leader Vuyolwethu Zungula, who’s also motivated the current Section 89 impeachment inquiry process.
“I stand ready to cooperate and also to give an explanation and to cooperate with any investigations on this matter. I have responded to the various questions that have been raised and will continue to respond to the questions put to me by the relevant authorities,” Ramaphosa told MPs on Tuesday.
“The authorities have said it’s best they deal with all the attendant matters to the theft that occurred on the farm. I have been counselled and advised to address this matter when these processes have been done. I stand ready to take the nation into confidence.”
Just not now. And not to Parliament. That was the upshot of Ramaphosa’s scripted response to the question that had been submitted, in line with the rules, at least 16 calendar days earlier.
Or as EFF leader Julius Malema put it: “He said he can answer everyone else. And someone stands up to say he’s answered like they did in the Zuma era.”
It was a reference to ANC MP and Deputy Rural Development Minister Mcebisi Skwatsha, who just before him, said: “Sitting here, ...

Brian Molefe & Anoj Singh arrests: SA’s return to Justiceland will take an excruciatingly long time

The past few days have seen signs of renewed life in our criminal justice system and the institutions that support it, but for many millions of people in SA, there is still no evidence of the criminal justice system working for them.
A series of high-profile Gupta-linked arrests, the continued apparent success of the Special Investigating Unit, and the SA Revenue Service (SARS) investigation into the Gold Leaf Tobacco Corporation’s gargantuan tax evasion (up to R3-billion) show that some accountability is returning to South Africa’s criminal justice system.
But, for many millions of people in our country, there is still no evidence of the criminal justice system working for them. Instead, the merciless data show that they are more likely to be victims of violent crimes than during any time over the past 10 years, revealing the still massive underlying police weakness and the emasculation of our state.
On Monday, it was confirmed that the Hawks had arrested Brian Molefe and Anoj Singh. Both were found by the Zondo Commission to have been involved in State Capture and to have manipulated contracts for locomotives.
This appeared to make good on the promise from the head of the National Prosecuting Authority, Shamila Batohi, that there would be arrests for serious crimes before the end of September.
ANC NEC member arrests? Not yet
Of course, it is not known at this point whether these arrests are the beginning of a long series or the endpoint for now. It may be important to note that the Hawks have not arrested a member of the ANC’s National Executive Committee since the Zondo report was published. That’s despite the devastating findings against Mosebenzi Zwane, Bongani Bongo, Sfiso Buthelezi and others.
On Friday last week, SARS announced that it had been allowed to take control of the bank accounts and assets of the Gold Leaf Tobacco Corporation.
It then emerged that at least R3-billion had been removed from the country illegally. And perhaps more startling than that was the revelation that bank transactions had been “deleted”.
R3bn ‘fraudulent, intentional tax evasion’: An in-depth account of how Sars busted tobacco & gold plunder network
The fact that SARS was able to get enough legally admissible information to convince a judge to allow it to take control of these assets shows that it is capable of dealing with complex and difficult money flows and that it can enforce the law when international criminals break it.
At the same time, ...

Transnet graft: Brian Molefe and fellow top exec Anoj Singh get R50 000 bail after arrest

Former Transnet CEO Brian Molefe and former group chief financial officer Anoj Singh – described as the ‘primary architects’ of State Capture at Transnet – and others have been arrested in connection with corruption worth R398.4-million at the parastatal.
The accused appeared in two separate groups in the Specialised Commercial Crimes Court in Palm Ridge on Monday morning. First in the dock were former chief financial officer Garry Pita, Eric Wood, CEO of the defunct Trillian Capital Partners, Phetolo Ramosebudi, alleged “Gupta fixer” Kuben Moodley and Siyabonga Gama. They first appeared in court in May 2022.
Captured – Trillian CEO Wood, Transnet’s Gama among big fish arrested in NPA’s latest State Capture tackle
The second group of suspects consisted of Molefe, Singh and Regiments Capital directors Nevin Pillay and Litha Nyhonyha. They were arrested by the National Prosecuting Authority’s (NPA) Investigating Directorate (ID), assisted by the Hawks.
ID spokesperson Sindisiwe Seboka confirmed in a statement that the former executives’ arrests had been affected by thorough arrangement with their legal representatives. They had been charged with contravention of the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), fraud, corruption and money laundering.
Molefe was at the helm of Transnet from 2011 to 2015, a hands-on CEO at the state-owned freight, rail and logistics company – for all the wrong reasons.
Moodley was arrested at OR Tambo International Airport in September 2021, shortly before he was scheduled to board a flight to Dubai.
Outlining the charges, Seboka said: “The charges stem from the locomotives transaction advisory tender which was awarded to the McKinsey-led consortium in 2012, resulting in the procurement of 1,064 locomotives worth over R54-billion.
“Regiments Capital was irregularly onboarded and ended up benefiting from the irregular appointment by Transnet in respect of the contract. The contract value and scope for the services required was later escalated to over R305-billion.”
This agreement, she explained, included among other services the sourcing of the China Development Bank loan and the club loan – in the amount of $2.5-billion – on behalf of Transnet (equivalent to R30-billion at the time). The accused also face charges linked to the R93.4-million paid to Trillian Asset Management in 2015.
The matter against former Transnet bigwigs relates to a dodgy R93-million double payment flowing from the parastatal’s deal for 1,064 locomotives.
The senior executives were granted bail of R50,000 each and the State issued further arrest warrants for Salim Essa and Ashok Narayan.
“The charges are partly related to the Zondo Commission and ...

Iqbal Survé’s publications appear to take side of alleged Lottery crooks

Since Survé got his hands on public money to buy the country’s largest newspaper group, he has used it to publish inaccurate, often downright false, stories to further his personal interests.
Iqbal Survé’s newspaper group has taken a curious interest in the story of corruption at the National Lotteries Commission – and it appears to be taking the side of the crooks.
For four years GroundUp has reported on Lottery corruption and mismanagement. Independent Media has been largely silent on the matter. But in the last few weeks, there has been a spate of articles on the Lottery on Independent Online (IOL), stuffed with the usual blend of dodgy reporting and high-minded indignation.
In July, GroundUp reported how the golf estate home of Lottery boss Thabang Mampane was paid for with a grant that was supposed to rebuild a Limpopo school. Our coverage may have contributed to Mampane’s resignation in August.
Independent’s newspapers and IOL could have republished GroundUp’s articles, which are available under a Creative Commons licence. They did not. They could have sent one of their reporters to investigate our findings about Mampane’s house. They did not.
Instead, the Sunday Tribune (one of Survé’s newspapers) and IOL published an interview with Mampane in which she “reflects on her 10 years of service”. Far from countering any of the accusations against her, she makes all sorts of claims of “political interference” in the Lottery.
In another IOL article, Mampane is cited as claiming “that there were journalists working with certain board members” at the National Lotteries Commission “and, in return, these journalists had received funding from the commission”.
There have been only two journalists consistently working on Lottery corruption: Raymond Joseph (for GroundUp) and Anton van Zyl (for the Limpopo Mirror). They have often worked together. This extremely serious accusation of corruption is clearly aimed at one or both of them. Not a shred of evidence is offered for the claim — because, frankly, it’s absurd and there isn’t any — and neither Joseph nor van Zyl were asked to respond to the allegation.
The same article includes this photo and credit:
The photo is fake. It is a photo of Letwaba that was not taken by Joseph, superimposed on a photo of a Lotteries sign taken by Joseph. It could be an innocent error — or a way to insert Joseph’s name into the article to link him to Mampane’s allegation.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more ...

Tshwane coalition storm brews as DA mayor accused in R26bn tender bid

In a leaked audio recording from a year ago, Tshwane’s executive mayor, Randall Williams, can be heard instructing senior officials to support his executive decision — ‘whether they agree or disagree’ — for an unsolicited bid, while another official warns that the council could face possible litigation.
The future of the multiparty coalition governing Tshwane hangs in the balance as allegations of corruption and political interference in a multibillion-rand tender for the refurbishment of two power stations have been levelled against the executive mayor, Randall Williams.
The R26-billion bid is aimed at obtaining a service provider, which Williams has allegedly handpicked, to obtain a concession to refurbish, finance, operate and maintain both the Pretoria West and Rooiwal power stations.
The allegations were brought to the fore by ActionSA’s Gauteng chairperson, Bongani Baloyi, who indicated that the party would vote against a report which sought public consultation to be conducted on the unsolicited bid.
Baloyi said the report was unlawful and in breach of the prescripts of a signed multiparty coalition agreement.
The proposal, according to Baloyi, was presented as an unsolicited bid, yet there was no indication of which legal requirements this unsolicited bid met in terms of Section 113(2) of the Municipal Finance Management Act.
Both the provincial and national treasuries had, in writing, raised concerns about the proposal being driven by “inappropriate levels of involvement of the political office of the executive mayor”, according to Baloyi.
Williams has since denied the allegations and withdrawn the tender bid report in question, a move which ActionSA has welcomed.
Criminal case
The ANC and the EFF, which occupy the opposition benches, are, however, not letting matters slide. The EFF’s Obakeng Ramabodu on Wednesday opened a criminal case against Williams. This was as the ANC’s caucus spokesperson, Kgomotso Masilela, threatened to follow suit and open a corruption case.
“The ANC Tshwane caucus has been vindicated. the DA-led coalition government corruption is visible for everyone to see. We will be submitting a motion of no confidence against the executive mayor,” said Masilela.
Daily Maverick elections analyst, Wayne Sussman, says although it appeared as if the multiparty coalition — which is among the most stable in the country — now hangs in the balance, it remained in the interests of both ActionSA and the DA to ensure the coalition does not fail.
Sussman said it was expected that the two parties would often attack each other, but warned that “if they’re rational actors, I don’t think ...

Death threat against Adriano Nuvunga in Mozambique is a threat to all defenders of human rights – activists

The latest death threat against leading human rights activist Professor Adriano Nuvunga in Mozambique comes amid a squeezing of the civic space in that country.
“The threat against Prof Adriano Nuvunga is a threat against all human rights defenders in Mozambique . It is also a threat against all human rights defenders, whether in southern Africa, across the continent or globally. We need to speak with one voice; we need to unite,” said Tiseke Kasambala, human rights defender and director for the Africa Programme at Freedom House.
Kasambala was speaking at a briefing held in solidarity with Mozambican human rights defender Professor Adriano Nuvunga after he received a death threat earlier this week. Nuvunga is the director of the Centre for Democracy and Development, president of the Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network and deputy chairperson of the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SouthernDefenders).
On Tuesday, Maverick Citizen’s Mark Heywood reported that two AK-47 assault rifle bullets were thrown at the front door of Nuvunga’s home in Maputo, Mozambique, early on the morning of 15 August while he was asleep.
Following the death threat, SouthernDefenders issued a statement which said “the bullets were partially wrapped in white paper with writing not possible to decipher in full, but in which one of the phrases says, ‘WATCH OUT NUVUNGA’”.
Speaking at Wednesday’s briefing, Nuvunga said they had immediately called the police. Nuvunga lives near a police station – a “one-minute walking distance” from his home.
Nuvunga reported the threat to the police and officers from Mozambique’s National Criminal Investigation Service collected the bullets for investigation.
“At home, I have security cameras. We went through the [footage], which clearly showed two young men walking from north to south towards the police station. This was around 5am, and the [footage] shows them throwing the bullets, and then starting to run [in the direction of] the police station,” recalled Nuvunga.
Professor Adriano Nuvunga, director of the Center for Democracy and Development, president of the Mozambique Human Rights Defenders Network and deputy chairperson of the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network, has received a death threat.
Daily Maverick (@dailymaverick) August 16, 2022
This is not the first death threat Nuvunga has received. Two years ago, he was forced to relocate his family to South Africa after receiving bomb threats, Maverick Citizen reported.
“Two years ago, I suffered similar threats, with an anonymous person calling, claiming to have planted a bomb in my house that would explode ...

The Enemy Within — how the ANC lost the battle against corruption

In 2000, the ANC committed itself to ‘the new cadre’ project — a project to develop ANC members who are dedicated, selfless people who steer clear of corruption and embrace a new morality. Yet, 22 years later the ANC is consumed by corrupt cadres. What happened and why was the ANC’s ‘new cadre’ project such a complete failure? ‘The Enemy Within’ is published by Tafelberg.
Jacob Zuma scores high, compared with other ANC presidents, on his concerns about corruption. He made the largest number of anti-corruption mentions in a single January 8th Statement, the most important speech in the ANC’s political calendar.
In 2010, in his third year as party leader and second year as president of South Africa, Zuma announced his unwavering determination to fight corruption. At the ANC’s National General Council (NGC), the ANC’s mid-year assessment of its performance, Zuma urged delegates: “We must eradicate corruption as well as the perception of corruption.”
He pleaded with ANC comrades in government to implement the party’s promise to voters not to interfere in government procurement.
“We must implement the provision in our election manifesto which states that politicians should not tamper with the adjudication of tenders. Basically, we must not allow tenders to destroy the ANC.”
On the role of his administration in the war against corruption, Zuma was apparently unequivocal, telling the ANC’s NGC he had established a Cabinet interministerial committee that was working with the public protector, the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) and the Auditor-General to tackle corruption. He said an anti-corruption task team led by the Hawks (the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation) had been hard at work.
He put forward other ideas for tackling corruption, including the centralisation of procurement for major items, stricter penalties for service providers who obtained contracts illegally from the government, increased transparency and accountability in tender processes, and improved protection for whistle-blowers. All well and good, it seemed.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
And Zuma wasn’t just all talk. The National Planning Commission he established to develop South Africa’s National Development Plan made fighting corruption a top priority. It stated that corruption cases had to be dealt with transparently and efficiently. Zuma signed off on the plan. In addition, among the directives — actual authority — he gave was for the SIU to investigate the unauthorised use of public funds, which invariably happens through corrupt means.
By 2018, his last year in office, Zuma ...

A shameful decade of scandals haunts a rudderless SA Police Service 10 years after SA’s tragic day

Police bosses should have learnt from the Marikana massacre, but in the 10 years since, the cop service has been plagued by successive scandals involving claims of corrupt leaders and criminality.
‘Integrity is fundamental to what we do. We cannot fight crime when our organisation has within its ranks people who do not respect the law. Crime must be fought with clean hands.
“Another area that I wish to highlight is that of discipline, which is the cornerstone of policing. Without it, there can be no effective policing. This means that each and every officer, from the highest to the lowest rank, must deliver. I will make sure that this happens during my tenure.”
These are the words of former national police commissioner Riah Phiyega in the South African Police Service (SAPS) 2012/13 annual report.
They turned out to be rather hollow because Phiyega’s tenure was cut short and continuous claims of corruption have sullied the police service.
‘It should never have happened’
Phiyega was heading the country’s police on 16 August 2012 when cops killed 34 mine workers in Marikana, North West – one of the worst and most lethal acts attributed to police officers in democratic South Africa.
Annually, the government issues commemoration statements about the massacre.
In 2022, referring to a court ruling relating to Marikana, the Presidency said: “Ten years later our hearts still go out to families who lost their loved ones. The violence and the killings that occurred should have never happened. We are still resolute and united in our condemnation of the brutal acts we witnessed.”
In 2020, government spokesperson Phumla Williams too described the massacre as “an incident that should have never happened”.
Given the government’s stance on Marikana and the number of lives lost, problems in the SAPS should have been urgently analysed, addressed and fixed.
At the very least, to restore the image of the country’s crimefighters.
Instead, the police service ended up embedded with suspected State Capturers and the Marikana horror, which now fits into a much broader landscape of cop scandals.
The police service has also shrunk over the decade.
Based on police annual reports, in the year of the mass killing there were 155,531 officers, while in 2021 there were more than 11,000 fewer – 144,253.
What went wrong
Public order policing was scrutinised following the Marikana deaths.
Reports on the tragedy show that a police commander with proper training and experience in managing crowds should have overseen the operation to deal with the ...

‘While South Africans suffer, the successors of Tutu, Hurley and Naudé seem to have lost their nerve’

Religious leaders played an important role in the anti-apartheid resistance movement. Who can forget the voices of leaders such as Catholic Archbishop Denis Hurley, Dr Beyers Naudé and the much-loved Archbishop Desmond Tutu? In post-apartheid South Africa, religious leaders, for the most part, have lost their voice. This week the Catholic Bishops’ Conference issued a wide-ranging statement in which it forthrightly denounces the government.
The Catholic Bishops of South Africa have denounced “the continued preoccupation of our leaders with self-enrichment, party politics and factional battles at a time when the majority in this country are struggling to make ends meet”.
In a statement released on 8 August by the president of the Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference (SACBC), Bishop Sithembele Sipuka, they also said they were “scandalised by the government’s decision to increase the salaries of ministers, premiers, MECs and members of Parliament by 3%”. This showed the insensitivity of the government “to the plight of the poor and the financial hardships that many ordinary citizens are going through during this time”.
During the apartheid years it was not uncommon to frequently hear the voices of religious leaders denouncing the government. In fact, at the time, there was often tension in religious communities because some members were uncomfortable with the stance that leaders took against the apartheid regime.
In the post-apartheid era the voice of religious leaders has fallen more or less silent. In recent years little has been said by them in the face of the many ills that plague the country. The successors of the prophetic voices of the past – among them Archbishop Denis Hurley, Dr Beyers Naudé and Archbishop Desmond Tutu – seemed to have lost their nerve.
Read in Daily Maverick: “Remembering Desmond Tutu: The flint we used to light up the pathway of peace”
In this wide-ranging statement the bishops speak out on structural reform, the growing gap between the rich and poor, the disparities between rural and urban areas, the Eskom and Transnet crises, failed municipalities and State Capture. They call on the government, business and those who have power and influence “to take note and action” about the issues they raise.
They also call on all South Africans to “stop the culture of cable theft, non-payment of municipal rates, vandalism, and damage to infrastructure”.
“Each of us is responsible for rebuilding our country’s economy, including the municipalities and state-owned enterprises”. They call on citizens to “use whatever opportunity and means ...

Fifth time lucky? Raila Odinga targets triumph in Kenya presidential elections

Kenyans go to the polls on Tuesday, where veteran opposition politician and serial loser Raila Odinga, 77, faces off against vice president William Ruto, 55.
Kenya, with a gloomy and sordid history of fierce electoral disputes and violence, is scheduled to hold general elections on Tuesday 9 August 2022. In these elections, citizens will elect the president, members of the National Assembly and Senate, county governors as well as members of the 47 county assemblies.
Electoral trajectories of modern Kenyan politics
The build-up to these elections is engulfed by the fall-out of former allies and strongmen in modern Kenyan politics: the incumbent president, Uhuru Kenyatta and his current deputy president, William Ruto. The root cause for their loggerheads is unquestionably submerged by incongruencies of accusations levelled against each other.
More intensely, even though Ruto was Kenyatta’s running mate in the last presidential elections that took place in 2017, Kenyatta is hell-bent on impeding the deputy president from being his successor. A major variable of this twist emanates from Kenyatta’s endorsement of the perennial candidate in the presidential elections who is also a former Kenyan prime minister, Raila Odinga. The latter is a presidential candidate for the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) under the auspices of the Azimio La Umoja coalition.
Interestingly, during the 2017 presidential elections, Kenyatta joined forces and formed a functional alliance with Ruto. After the electoral management body, Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), declared the duo as election winners, Odinga lodged an electoral dispute based on rife allegations of vote rigging. Principally, adducing concrete evidence that proved that IEBC’s server was hacked and its database had been tampered with.
Visit Daily Maverick’s home page for more news, analysis and investigations
Eventually, the Supreme Court of Kenya, led by the present-day retired Chief Justice and President, Justice David Maraga, annulled the results of the presidential elections and ordered fresh elections. To ensure free and credible election re-run, Odinga further requested for the overhaul of electoral systems, and his plea was not granted. While protesting the failure to heed his call for reforming electoral systems and the IEBC, and although not official as dictated by Kenyan electoral laws, Odinga withdrew from the runoff election, thus paving the way to the duo’s electoral victory again.
Odinga’s perennial candidacy in presidential elections
Raila Odinga, the son of Oginga Odinga, Kenya’s first vice-president (from 12 December 1964 to 14 April 1966) and subsequently opposition leader, has unsuccessfully contested the presidential election ...

Gauteng DA launches yet another ‘desperate’ bid to oust Makhura, but this time ‘we’ve got the numbers’

For the second time in consecutive years, the DA in Gauteng is to sponsor the provincial legislature with yet another motion of no confidence against the premier, David Makhura, following the many unfulfilled promises and scandals on his watch. Will the opposition succeed?
‘The motion of no confidence is based on the change that the people of Gauteng are yearning for. And if that makes us desperate, yes we are desperate – just not for the reasons they have put upfront but for a better life and better services for Gauteng residents.”
These were the words of the DA’s Solly Msimanga, leader of the opposition in the Gauteng legislature and former Tshwane mayor, at a Monday media briefing on the motion to be tabled in the provincial legislature against premier David Makhura.
Makhura’s office says the latest move by the DA is an act of sheer “desperation for relevance”.
Msimanga said the tabling of the motion has been on the cards since early 2022 but was on hold, but they have had to take action now because Gauteng is decaying daily under Makhura’s watch.
“The public purse under his watch has been looted unabated and having premier Makhura in office for any longer will only make this situation worse.”
According to Msimanga, Makhura must go because he has failed to live up to his many promises and responsibilities, including lifestyle audits for Gauteng’s executive and making public the Special Investigating Unit’s (SIU) reports into various allegations of corruption. Then there was his office’s implication in irregular Covid-19 procurement tenders at the Gauteng health department and failure to take steps to recover some of the money lost to the personal protective equipment (PPE) tender scandal.
“One scandal is one too many under his watch. Makhura is not fit to lead the country’s economic hub, Gauteng. And a motion of no confidence can usher in a new leader into government that will put the people first and spend their hard-earned taxes openly and transparently. To arrest poverty, crime and unemployment.”
The move against Makhura is nothing new – there are already three motions of no confidence from 2017, 2018 and 2021.
The 2017 and 2018 motions were lodged by the EFF supported by the DA, following the Life Esidimeni tragedy. In 2021, the DA lodged another against Makhura’s office owing to its implication in irregular PPE tenders.
A numbers game in the legislature
However, all three were overturned, with help from the IFP ...

Jury still out on DA claim that South Africa loses R800-million to corruption daily

The figure can’t be verified, and appears based on an older rumour — itself unsubstantiated — that R300-billion is lost every year.
“Over R800-million per day is lost to corruption, nationally,” claims a June 2022 tweet posted by South Africa’s Democratic Alliance (DA) opposition party.
The claim was made as part of the party’s campaign to fight “cadre deployment” by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government. Cadre deployment is a policy of appointing party members to government positions based on their loyalty to the party’s aims and objectives.
The DA’s #OutlawCadreDeployment campaign includes a proposed law to ensure public service appointments are based on merit instead of party loyalty, and court action to declare cadre deployment unconstitutional.
The party has connected the policy to “State Capture”, a form of corruption in which politicians and businesses work together to make economic and political decisions that advance their interests.
In late 2021, a commission of inquiry into alleged State Capture by former president Jacob Zuma and businesspeople Ajay, Atul and Rajesh Gupta, known as the Gupta brothers, wrapped up.
State Capture cost South Africa billions of rands in tax funds. But is R800-million lost to corruption each day? We checked.
Source for DA’s figure unknown
Africa Check asked the DA for the source of the figure and how it was calculated. At the time of publication, the party had not responded. (Note: We will update this report if they do respond.)
We were also unable to find the source of the claim online. Our searches brought up several articles about corruption in South Africa, all giving different figures.
Jannie Roussouw is a professor of business administration at the Wits Business School. He told Africa Check that he had heard that R300-billion was lost to corruption each year, but could not verify it.
“I don’t know where the figure of R300-billion comes from in the first instance but it seems to me that they worked from an annual figure to a daily figure,” he said.
R800-million a day comes to R292-billion a year — almost R300 billion.
We were also unable to find a source for the supposed R300-billion lost yearly. We contacted Corruption Watch, an anti-corruption nonprofit based in Johannesburg, for clues. They were also unable to verify the DA’s figure or provide us with a more accurate estimate.
“This is a question that has been posed to us for the entire 10 years of our existence, and is a question that no one organisation ...

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